Moral collapse at the Romanian Academy under Ioan Aurel Pop: honoring communist informants, shielding criminals, and fostering extremism

Dozens of historians and intellectuals protested on Monday after the Romanian Academy awarded a special prize to pseudo-historian Alex Mihai Stoenescu, a known informant for the communist-era Securitate (the former secret police of Romania). This is only the latest scandal involving the institution under the leadership of nationalist historian Ioan Aurel Pop. Despite an annual budget exceeding half a billion lei, the Academy has been criticized for honoring or admitting individuals linked to the Securitate, criminal convictions, and extremist ideologies. Even more troubling, it has been accused of promoting a protochronist, frequently anti-Western, discourse alongside the rise of extremist parties.

The Romanian Academy’s initial 2024 budget stood at 486 million lei, supplemented twice throughout the year—first by 8.7 million lei, then by 23.8 million lei.

Protochronist and ultrantionalist alignment

The Academy’s protochronist and ultranationalist orientation first became evident in 2021. During the Student Congress at Putna, President Ioan Aurel Pop and Patriarch Daniel (the leader of the Romanian Orthodox Church) applauded speeches echoing the rhetoric of the far-right AUR party (Alliance for the Union of Romanians). One such speech declared, „Let us reclaim our freedom to reclaim our country,” insinuating that Romanians were freer under historical persecution than in modern times.

Last week, amidst heightened extremist attacks on democracy, the Romanian Academy awarded Alex Mihai Stoenescu—a confirmed informer for the Securitate by final court ruling. Stoenescu, a controversial amateur historian accused by Michael Shafir of defending the Legionary Movement (an ultranationalist, fascist group in interwar Romania), was also the first vice president of the former political party led by Gigi Becali (a controversial businessman and politician).

On Monday, 30 historians and intellectuals—including Vladimir Tismăneanu, Dennis Deletant, Liviu Ornea, Armand Goșu, and Bogdan Murgescu—called on the Academy’s presidium to revoke the award, citing Stoenescu’s prolific collaboration with the Securitate. They stated:

„His denunciations sent people to prison. Former journalists from Radio Free Europe, ex-dissidents, and cultural figures have expressed moral outrage at the harm he caused. His involvement in political police actions was confirmed by the National Council for the Study of Securitate Archives in 2010 and upheld by the Supreme Court in 2014.”

Endorsement of extremism and disregard for western alignment

Two weeks ago, as extremist rhetoric surged, Ilie Bădescu (a member of the Romanian Academy) praised far-right candidate Călin Georgescu’s victory in the first round of presidential elections. He mocked anti-Georgescu protestors, stating:

„It’s extremely strange how manipulated young street protestors are, as they oppose Georgescu’s pro-peace stance.”

Bădescu—a sociologist labeled a protochronist by historians Vladimir Tismăneanu and Dorin Dobrincu—also criticized pro-Western values, claiming, “Soros, with his NGOs and millions, clashed with the invisible party of pro-family Christians and traditionalists.”

Bădescu has been central to debates questioning Romania’s synchronization with Western values. He has endorsed Kremlin ideologue Aleksandr Dugin and participated in events alongside AUR candidate Radu Baltasiu, conspiracy theorist Cristi Pantelimon, and others who propagate anti-Western rhetoric.

In 2018, 30 sociologists and social science researchers issued an open letter criticizing Bădescu’s admission as a corresponding member of the Academy. They cited three main objections: abandonment of research ethics, low national and international recognition, and opinions conflicting with the Academy’s values. Despite these protests, Bădescu joined the Academy’s “immortals.”

Past Scandals: celebrating informants and convicted figures

Alex Mihai Stoenescu isn’t the first infrmant celebrated by the Romanian Academy. In July 2023, it honored Constantin Bălăceanu Stolnici during a ceremony marking his 100th birthday. Stolnici, recruited by the Securitate in 1965, informed on dissidents for over 25 years. Using the code name “Laurențiu,” he received payments and professional benefits, including travel visas. He even provided a detailed layout of the apartment of Vlad Georgescu (director of Radio Free Europe) to the Securitate.

The Academy also includes figures with legal issues. In September 2024, surgeon Irinel Popescu, indicted in two corruption cases involving an 8-million-euro loss to the state, was elected a full member. He had been a corresponding member since 2013.

Defending fascist and antisemitic figures

Ioan Aurel Pop personally defended Mircea Vulcănescu, a known antisemite and convicted war criminal. In an article on a disinformation platform, Pop described Vulcănescu as “a luminous figure of Romanian cultural heritage” and argued that his name shouldn’t be censored. Such positions have emboldened municipalities across Romania to defy laws mandating the removal of streets named after war criminals.

In 2021, the Academy celebrated Nicolae Paulescu—a notorious antisemite—during an event marking 100 years since the discovery of insulin. Public outcry later forced Ioan Aurel Pop to cancel the conference. However, an informal event still took place, prompting condemnation from historian Peter Manu, co-author of Polemica Paulescu.

In 2022, Pop called for the dissolution of CNATDCU (the Romanian body responsible for evaluating plagiarism in doctoral theses), describing it as “anachronistic.” His stance aligns with his historical opposition to plagiarism verdicts, including a 2012 case involving former Prime Minister Victor Ponta.

A moral and legal crisis

This is a brief summary of Ioan Aurel Pop’s six-year presidency. The Romanian Academy appears to have lost its ethical compass. The institution is in a perilous moral confusion, blurring the poles of good and evil. It rewards the ideas of the legionary and communist past, often overlooking figures with clear pro-Western stances. An institution that, as historian Ionuț Cojocaru says, „supports European values by awarding proven informants.”

More gravely, it literally violates the law—see the cases of war criminals being honored—and questions values enshrined in the Constitution—adherence to the EU and NATO.

The Romanian Academy’s programmatic line is clear. These are not mere accidents along the way. Thus, a discussion about the public funding of this institution is imperative. Why should we fund, with our taxes and fees, an institution whose lapses provide ideological fodder for extreme right parties and candidates? Why should the state budget sponsor anti-European propaganda and events that glorify war criminals? It’s time for a somewhat more reformist future government to condition the institution’s funding on necessary internal reform.