The protest vote that shook Romania: how the PSD-PNL system suffocated the country with public jobs, corruption, and silenced dissent

The presidential election in Romania revealed a massive protest vote against the candidates of the PSD (Social Democratic Party) and PNL (National Liberal Party), marking the first time in history that neither made it to the final round. The surprising beneficiary of this wave of popular anger was Călin Georgescu (a nationalist and controversial candidate). But how did this protest vote against figures like Nicolae Ciucă (former Prime Minister), Marcel Ciolacu (current Prime Minister), and Klaus Iohannis (President of Romania) arise?

The PSD-PNL government built a massive state apparatus that placed immense pressure on the private sector and ordinary employees, triggering an eruption of social dissatisfaction at the ballot box. Consider this: the number of public employees reached 1.3 million, equal to 2009 levels, just before the global financial crisis. Meanwhile, the two essential outlets for a healthy society—mainstream media and the anti-corruption fight—have been systematically dismantled.

There are certainly multiple explanations for this outcome and for Călin Georgescu’s unexpected rise. Some of his voters were drawn to his anti-European Union rhetoric, others to his pro-Russian, anti-LGBTQ, or pro-fascist stances, which have been cultivated in certain churches, by members of the Romanian Academy, or among retired military personnel. However, discussions with voters both in Romania and abroad conducted by G4Media reveal a significant underlying element: a protest vote against the PSD, PNL, and Iohannis.

A Stifling Coalition

The PSD-PNL coalition has become so powerful and so efficient in securing control that it has choked Romanian society. G4Media has consistently warned about the dangers this coalition poses to democracy—similar to the way Germany’s grand coalition between the left and right gave rise to extremist movements. In practice, Romania has become what political analysts term a “democratura” (a pseudo-democratic autocracy).

What exactly has this PSD-PNL coalition, created by President Klaus Iohannis with the support of intelligence services, done?

• The number of public employees has skyrocketed.
• The business environment has been suffocated by party-linked firms.
• The private sector has been burdened with higher taxes to finance sinecures.

Moreover, the anti-corruption fight has been crushed, and major media outlets have been silenced, creating a pressure cooker effect without any relief valves.

One shocking example: the number of public employees surpassed 1.3 million for the first time in 15 years, despite billions of euros being invested in so-called digitalization projects and a population decline of 1.1 million over the past decade. Logic dictates that fewer people should require fewer public employees.

Instead, every PNL and PSD government has added tens of thousands of political appointees to ministries, agencies, municipalities, and state-owned companies. These jobs provide secure salaries without increasing bureaucratic efficiency.

Public Sector Bloat by the Numbers:

• Under the Ciolacu government: +16,588 public employees in 17 months (~976 per month).
• Under the Ciucă government: +24,899 in 18 months (~1,383 per month).
• Under the Cîțu government: +9,186 in 11 months (~835 per month).

Add to this new laws granting public employees nearly two months of annual leave, and the scale of waste becomes staggering. How many private-sector employees can compete with public-sector salaries or afford such lengthy vacations?

Not surprisingly, Ilie Bolojan (the newly elected PNL president, known for his grassroots work) has emphasized the need for reforms and drastic cuts to public spending. He has seen firsthand how critical the situation has become. A bloated and corrupt state is suffocating society.

Cronyism and Corruption

The business environment has been severely distorted by firms linked to PSD, PNL, or intelligence services. Public tenders have become a party monopoly. Scandals like the BMW-Luxury Police Car Deal (involving Lucian Bode, Interior Minister, and Michael Schmidt, a businessman close to Iohannis) and the IT projects monopolized by Sebastian Ghiță (a fugitive oligarch) have multiplied across ministries, municipalities, and state-owned companies. Viable entrepreneurs are frequently targeted for hostile takeovers.

The result is an unlivable atmosphere. The PSD-PNL-Iohannis state has become a mammoth, crushing the private sector.

Bureaucratic Aristocracy and Decadence

The top echelon of this state has displayed grotesque arrogance and detachment from reality. High-ranking officials like President Klaus Iohannis, Prime Minister Marcel Ciolacu, and others have normalized private jet travel, with Iohannis even channeling public funds into private golf courses and preparing a €9 million villa for his retirement. Other leaders flaunt €700 shoes or luxury watches worth tens of thousands.

Meanwhile, anti-corruption institutions like the DNA (National Anticorruption Directorate) are practically dead. Politicians now openly engage in large-scale corruption, appointing relatives and allies to lucrative positions or facilitating insider deals with state-owned companies.

Protest Votes and Warnings

Romania is in a situation eerily reminiscent of 2009, with a record number of public employees during an election year, unchecked political power, and an influx of European Union funds. After 2009’s budgetary excesses came a deep economic crisis and violent protests two years later.

Did PSD and PNL learn anything from the protest vote? Signals from these parties, President Iohannis, and intelligence services suggest otherwise. With few exceptions, such as Ilie Bolojan’s calls for reform, most leaders disdain the voters who rejected them. Instead, they actively seek ways to continue undermining judicial independence.

If they do not wake up quickly, Romania may face a fate similar to Greece in 2009: a decade-long economic and social crisis.