The rise of Călin Georgescu: Anti-Western ideologies infiltrate Romania’s key institutions

How did the anti-Western candidate Călin Georgescu rise to the top of the presidential polls?
There are numerous causes behind this phenomenon. This article will focus on one related to national security and Romania’s pro-Western orientation, enshrined in its Constitution. Four major sectors have been infected with anti-Western ideology, providing Georgescu with votes, funding, and influence: the military, intelligence services, the Romanian Orthodox Church, and the Romanian Academy.

Important clarification: this does not imply a full institutional shift but rather significant factions within these institutions that, for various reasons, have embraced Georgescu’s rhetoric or that of figures like George Simion (leader of the far-right AUR party) or Diana Șoșoacă (far-right Romanian senator).

1. The Military

Romania’s military leadership has repeatedly refused to allocate a Patriot missile battery to Ukraine, much to the dismay of other state institutions. Anti-Western sentiment is deeply rooted in military educational facilities such as universities and the National Defense College, as documented in multiple G4Media investigations.

G4Media has also uncovered that reservists from the Ministry of National Defense (MApN) and other security institutions actively supported Călin Georgescu, both online and on the ground. Georgescu capitalized on military personnel’s frustrations over perceived state neglect, presenting himself as the „son of an officer” who understands their grievances. His message, delivered through professionally produced videos, resonated deeply.

Additionally, several army generals appear to be involved in his circle, with a former officer from the feared General Directorate for Defense Intelligence (DGIA) serving as Georgescu’s right-hand man at the “Pământul Strămoșesc” (Ancestral Land) association at least until 2022.

2. The Romanian Orthodox Church

Both within Romania and among its diaspora, hundreds of Orthodox priests acted as electoral agents for Călin Georgescu. Drawn to his sovereignist, pro-religion, and anti-Western rhetoric, these clergy members—ironically, many of whom serve in Western countries—played a key role in his political rise.

This behavior contrasts with Patriarch Daniel’s (the head of the Romanian Orthodox Church) pro-European stance but aligns with the majority ideology in the Holy Synod, the church’s governing body.

3. The Romanian Academy

Under the leadership of Ioan-Aurel Pop, a nationalist historian, the Romanian Academy has remained ambiguous about Romania’s alignment with the West. Instead of spearheading intellectual progress, the Academy has sheltered increasingly obscure and anti-Western figures in its research institutes.

This year, the Academy initiated a series of conferences under the grandiose title “The Romanian National Project in the 21st Century.” Through this project, the Academy appears to be “re-evaluating”—in reality, challenging—the notion of synchronizing Romania with the West, a concept rooted in the work of interwar intellectual Eugen Lovinescu and underpinning Romania’s EU and NATO membership.

One recent example occurred in mid-November at a conference titled “Development Doctrines of Romania,” co-organized by the Institute of Sociology, the Institute of Legal Research, and the European Center for Ethnic Studies. Speakers included an AUR party candidate, a sociologist who wrote the preface to a book by Russian ideologue Alexander Dugin, and a researcher who claimed “the Americans started the war in Europe.” The full list of speakers included controversial figures like Ilie Bădescu, Dragoș Paul Aligică, and Radu Baltasiu, among others.

4. The Intelligence Services

Under their watch, the Călin Georgescu phenomenon flourished. It remains unclear whether this is due to collusion, negligence, or inability to act. However, there is precedent for Romanian intelligence factions aiding individuals who later became uncontrollable, such as businessman-turned-fugitive Sebastian Ghiță.

This dangerous game has unleashed nationalism, extremism, and anti-Westernism, personified by figures like George Simion, Diana Șoșoacă, and Călin Georgescu. These forces, once set in motion, have proven resistant to recontainment, much like a puppeteer losing control of his strings.

Additionally, as political scientist Marius Ghincea has observed, the constant expansion of what constitutes „national security” may have diluted the intelligence services’ effectiveness. In a 2024 analysis, Ghincea noted that in 2015, national security encompassed four traditional domains (defense and public safety), which ballooned to nine and later 18 policy areas by 2020.

Time for Accountability

The behaviors described above occur in state-funded institutions. It is imperative for Romania’s future National Defense Council (CSAT), parliament, and government to address the logic behind financing actions that violate the Constitution, which explicitly enshrines “Euro-Atlantic integration.”

Postscript: While there is a strong temptation to attribute Russian or Chinese influence to Călin Georgescu’s rise, no concrete evidence has surfaced. However, it is plausible that either country has attempted to exploit his anti-Western and conspiratorial discourse.